The Week in Europe





This Week in Europe, 7 April 2000

by David Jessop

Executive Director of the Caribbean Council for Europe


Should Cuba become a signatory to the new Suva Convention which will link the European Union (EU) to 71 African, Caribbean and Pacific States (the ACP) and which succeeds the Lomé Convention? This is the question that is beginning to exercise the minds of those at the highest levels of European Governments.

Over the past two weeks it has become apparent that while a growing number of EU nations are prepared to back Cuba's accession to the new Convention when it is signed on June 8th in Fiji, others may not.

The issue is a complex one which if not resolved quickly and satisfactorily could disrupt relations between ACP states and the EU in which Caribbean governments, who have in effect sponsored Cuba's membership, may find themselves at odds with traditional partners in Europe.

Cuba's accession to the new trade and aid based Convention was given unanimous support in early February by the ACP. Cuba subsequently indicated formally to the EU that the Republic wished to become a signatory to the new Treaty when all existing ACP states sign in Fiji.

Originally the EU and ACP agreed in June 1998, just before negotiations proper began in Europe, that Cuba should have observer status during the discussions on a successor arrangement to Lomé IV. At that time the EU Council of Ministers agreed amongst themselves that while Cuba could participate on this basis, Cuban membership of any new Convention would ultimately depend on an improvement in the internal situation in Cuba with regard to aspects of civil society.

This decision was not taken in isolation but in the context of another arrangement already in place. Then as now the EU had a common position on Cuba. This politically led stance agreed in December 1996, seeks to maintain a single European approach towards Havana. It sets out a series of calibrated responses necessary before there can be any improvement in relations with Europe and its member states and is based on criteria established by the EU relating to improvements in human rights and political freedoms.

However, since the time that was agreed much water has swept under the bridge in the bilateral relationship between individual European states and Cuba. Today the common position is far from that. Nations such as France, Spain and more recently even Germany have significantly and unilaterally upgraded their relations with Cuba without seeking any specific political or civil concessions in return. As a result it is now hard to understand the exact nature of Europe's policy on Cuba. So much so that some European nations believe that as the existing policy has failed demonstrably, Cuba should be drawn into a new and broader based relationship such as that offered by the Suva Convention. They argue that Europe should see its relationship with Cuba in the development context provided by the trade and aid framework in this successor to the Lomé Convention. Others however, believe that rigorous adherence to what has been agreed to is the only basis for an EU-wide approach.

The EU's Council of ministers is now faced with a complex political task. Any decision on which nations can accede to a Treaty such as that to be signed in Fiji with the EU requires unanimity. Amongst those prepared to back Cuban membership of the new Convention are Spain, France, Italy, Portugal and it now seems Germany and Belgium. While some of these may not seek political conditions they may request specific commitments on certain commodities largely to protect domestic industries.

Others however are not so certain. While the Nordic and other countries have yet to make clear their position most are thought to be neutral or prepared to go with a majority decision. However, it appears that Britain, the Netherlands and Denmark may have serious reservations.

While the issue is likely to be formally first discussed by EU Foreign Ministers meeting in Council before Easter there is growing concern in some ACP and Caribbean circles about the implications of rejection.

For its part Cuba is taking something of a gamble. It decision to accede to the Suva Convention was not taken lightly. It is prepared to become a signatory even though it has had reservations about the compromises implied by some aspects of the text of the Treaty it now wishes to sign. Senior Cuban officials argue, however, that being inside Lomé will be better for the island's long term future, end its relative isolation, and place it fully in the longer term in its natural environment, the Caribbean. They also suggest that accession to the new Convention will provide a broader framework for a non-prescriptive dialogue between Havana and Europe and a real opportunity to formalise a new and practical Cuban relationship with Europe.

Later this month the EU will be sending a delegation to Cuba. This will consist of senior political representatives of the immediate past Presidency of the Union (Finland), the present Presidency (Portugal) and the next EU Presidency (France). Ostensibly the visit is to engage in dialogue and assess the extent to which the common position is achieving results. However, there appears in some quarters in Europe and possibly elsewhere, moves to try to link the visit to the question of whether Cuba should or should not become a member of the Suva Convention.

What happens next is far from certain. Cuba will not stand idly by and allow its application for membership to be treated by some EU states in a manner different from any other similar ACP request. It also seems to be that case that the ACP having agreed Cuba's request for ACP membership by acclamation will not wish to acquiesce over the issue if Europe is divided.

Caribbean and other ACP leaders cite practical, emotional and historic reasons why Cuba should become a signatory to the new Convention. Cuba for its part regards full ACP membership as opening up a new and alternative interrelationship with Europe and the possibility of a creating new balance in it historically difficult relationship with the United States, especially if there were to be some opening to that nation. Any rejection of Cuba's application may not only damage irrevocably the possibility of any alternative framework for dialogue but could also have unpredictable consequences for Cuba, the ACP and individual EU member states.

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Updated on 24 April, 2000
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